09 Nov Sallust: “On the Conspiracy of Catiline”
Gaius Sallustius Crispus (Sallust) was, together with Cicero and Caesar, the third great prose writer of the first part of the Golden Age of Latin literature which stretched from about 80 to 40 B.C., and like the other two writers he exercised a profound influence on the subsequent development of Latin literature.
What is known about his life is relatively meagre. He was born in the Sabine hills of central Italy in 86 B.C. and entered the Senate in about 55, having been elected quaestor, and appears to have been a member of the popular faction, or the ‘Populares’. In 52 he was tribune of the plebs, and during this year he prosecuted Milo for the murder of Clodius and attacked Cicero for defending him. Sallust’s private life was reputed to be scandalous, and in 50 he was expelled from the Senate on the grounds of immorality by the censor, Appius Claudius Pulcher, a prominent member of the ‘Optimates’ clique that Sallust so detested. This drove Sallust into the arms of Caesar, who restored him to the Senate on his return from Spain in 49, and whom he then served faithfully in various campaigns and offices from 49 to 45. He was elected praetor in 46 and from 46 to 45 served as proconsular governor of the new province of Africa Nova, formed from the Numidian kingdom of Juba following the Battle of Munda. During his year as governor Sallust is reputed to have plundered the province ruthlessly, and only survived prosecution for extortion due to Caesar’s protection. With the wealth he had acquired in Africa, Sallust was able to purchase a substantial park and mansion on the Quirinal Hill in Rome, where he developed the famous ‘Horti Sallustiani’ (Gardens of Sallust), and he also acquired a villa in Tivoli, which Caesar had previously owned. After Caesar’s assassination in 44, Sallust retired into private life, and determined to devote himself to historical writing, as he explains in Chapter IV below. He died in about 35.
Sallust is chiefly renowned for his two historical monographs, ‘The Conspiracy of Catiline’ (the work translated in full below), which he published in 43, and ‘The Jugurthine War’, published two years later. Both these monographs were written, to a considerable extent, from the point of view of the ‘Populares’, and in both he denounces the corruption and the degeneracy of the aristocratic ‘Optimates’ faction in the Senate. Sallust wrote about the decay of ancient virtue, and was determined to assign the origin of this moral decline to the destruction of Carthage, and he refuses to see any sign of decadence so long as Rome had to contend with a rival for empire. His view has been influential, and has been widely accepted by historians subsequently. After completing his two monographs, Sallust wrote a full history of Rome, covering the period 78-67 in five books. Unfortunately this is mostly lost and all that survives are some speeches, letters and fragments. Nevertheless, it is clear from these pieces, as well as from the text of ‘The Conspiracy of Catiline’, that for Sallust it was not the outbreak of civil war in 49 but the ascension and domination of Pompey, following the death of Sulla in 78 that saw the end of political liberty in Rome, and he wrote his history of the years 78-67 to demonstrate that the government of Rome during that time was rotten and fraudulent.
Sallust was widely admired in classical antiquity, not least by the Silver Age writers, both Quintilian and the historian Tacitus, who modelled his style on him, and in Late Antiquity by both St. Jerome and St. Augustine, In the Middle Ages his works were drawn on as a source for quotes and aphorisms. In truth, however, this admiration was a tribute to the dramatic qualities of his writing and his vivid presentation of characters and events rather than to his merits as a historian, or at least if he were to be judged by today’s standards. Like most historians in Antiquity he was less concerned with detailed and impartial investigation of the facts with a view to a correct interpretation of events than to entertain his readers by instructing them in the traditions of his people, and by enhancing their moral awareness through memorable accounts of the actions of great men, and by highlighting the proven consequences of indulgence and vice. Sallust was chiefly interested in reconstructing striking scenes and persons, and in moralising about the degeneracy of the present age and the recent past. The ‘Catilinarian Conspiracy’ was an ideal subject for Sallust’s gifts of lively description and characterisation, and this work is a masterpiece of dramatic narrative, marred only by some inaccuracies of chronology and the rather vapid moralising in the early chapters, based upon plagiarism of earlier Greek writers.
As a writer, Sallust displays a highly individual and somewhat artificial style, mostly consisting of short, terse sentences, and very different from the oratorical rotundity of Cicero. Of him, Sir Ronald Syme, the famous Roman historian of the age of Caesar and Augustus wrote as follows:
“Literary critics did not not fear to match him with Thucydides, admiring in him gravity, concision, and, above all, an immortal rapidity of narrative. He had certainly forged a style all of his own, shunning the harmonies of formal rhetoric and formal rhythm, wilfully prosaic in collocation of words, hard and archaic in vocabulary, with broken sentences, reflecting perhaps some discordance in his own character.” (From “The Roman Revolution”, Oxford University Press, 1939.)
As a language Latin is particularly noteworthy for its conciseness, and of all Latin writers few are more concise than Sallust. Indeed in the following century, Seneca observed, in relation to this quality that you cannot take away a single word from Sallust’s writing without detriment to the sense.
The text of the translation below is taken from “The Catiline of Sallust”, edited by G.H. Nall, M.A. in the Elementary Classics series, published by Macmillan in 1900.
PART 1. PREFACE: CHAPTERS I-XIII.
Chapter 1. Men should seek glory through the use of the intellect.
1. It becomes all men who are eager that they should surpass the other animals to strive to the utmost of their power not to pass through life in obscurity like cattle which nature has formed looking downwards and obedient to the stomach. 2. But all of our power has been situated in the mind and in the body: we employ the governance of the mind, the service rather of the body; the one is common to us with the gods, the other with the beasts. 3. Wherefore it seems to me more reasonable to seek glory through the intellect (rather) than by means of (bodily) strength and, since the very life which we enjoy is short, to make the remembrance of us as much protracted as possible. 4. For the glory of wealth and beauty is fleeting and frail, (but) intellectual merit is an illustrious and eternal possession.
5. But it was for long a big (source of) dispute as to whether military affairs prosper by the force of the body or by virtue of the mind. 6. For there is a need both for deliberation before you begin, and, when you have deliberated, for action promptly. 7. So each, insufficient by itself, needs the help of the other.
Chapter II. Experience has proved the power of the intellect.
1. Therefore, from the beginning, kings – for that was the first name for sovereign power on earth – taking different paths, some employed the intellect, others the body; at that time also the life of men was passed without covetousness. Their own (possessions) were pleasing enough to each man. 2. But after Cyrus in Asia, (and) the Lacedaemonians and Athenians in Greece began to subjugate cities and nations, to deem the lust for dominance a reason for war, (and) to think the greatest glory to be in the greatest empire, it was then at last discovered by dangers and troubles that a (powerful) intellect is most effective. 3. But, if the strength of mind of kings and generals were so strong in peace as in war, they would administer human affairs themselves more smoothly and more consistently, nor would you see everything brought to one place from another, nor changed and muddled. 4. For sovereignty is easily maintained by those qualities by which it was first obtained. 5. But, when sloth came in in place of hard work, and lust and arrogance in place of self-restraint and moderation, our fortune is changed together with our morals. 6. Thus authority is always transferred to all the best men from the less good.
7. What things men plough, (what things) they sail, (what things) they build, everything depends on (lit. obeys) intellectual merit. 8. Yet many human beings, given over to gluttony (lit. the stomach), and slumber, untaught and uncultivated, have passed through life like those travelling abroad: to them assuredly the body was contrary to nature in its gratification, the mind in its burden. Of these, I value their life and death alike, since silence is maintained concerning both. 9. But, in very truth, only he seems to me to live and to enjoy his faculties, who, intent upon some employment, seeks reputation from (some) distinguished enterprise or admirable ability. But in the great abundance of occupations, nature points out one path (to some), (and others) to another.
Chapter III. Fame can be won by the historian.
1. It is noble to act well for the (advantage of the) state, and even to speak well is not despicable: either in peace or in war it is possible to become famous. Many, both (those) who have acted and (those) who have written of the actions of others, are praised. 2. And, although by no means equal glory attends the writer and the author of events, yet indeed it seems to me especially difficult to write (about) matters (which have been) transacted; firstly, because deeds must (lit. are needing to) be matched by words, then because most (readers) think that the faults which you censure have been mentioned out of spite and envy; (while,) whenever you should speak of the great virtue and the glory of good men, everyone receives with a ready mind what he thinks easy for himself to do, (and what goes) beyond that, he regards as false (and) as if invented.
3. But I, (as) a young man, at first rushed (lit. was carried) with enthusiasm into political affairs, and in that pursuit (lit. there) many (circumstances) were unfavourable to me. For instead of modesty, instead of temperance, instead of integrity, audacity, bribery, rapacity prevailed. Although my mind, unaccustomed to dishonest practices, despised these things, yet among such great vices my feeble youth, corrupted by ambition for office, was ensnared (by it): and although I differed from the wicked morals of the rest (of them), none the less, the desire for the honours (of office) plagued me with the same slander and jealousy as the rest.
Chapter IV. I resolved to devote my life to writing history.
1. Therefore, when my mind had rested from its many troubles and trials and I had decided that the rest of my life should be spent far away from public affairs, it was not my intention to waste my valuable leisure in inactivity and sloth, nor indeed to pass my life devoted to tilling fields or to hunting, (both) base pursuits; 2. but returning to the same place from which my studies having been begun, an evil ambition (for office) had detained me, I determined to write down, in separate portions, the affairs of the Roman people (which had been) transacted; (I could do this) all the more, because my mind was free from hope, fear, (and) the partisanship of political affairs.
3. Accordingly, I shall relate (the facts) in a few words concerning the conspiracy of Catiline as truthfully as I can: 4. for I consider this an especially memorable enterprise, due to the novelty of the crime and its danger. 5. Before I can make a beginning of my narration, a few things must (lit. are needing to) be clearly stated concerning the character of this man.
Chapter V. The character of Catiline.
1. Lucius (Sergius) Catilina, born of a noble family, was (a man) of great force, both of mind and body. 2. From his youth domestic warfare, murders, robbery, (and) civil discord had been welcome to him, and in these (lit. there) he occupied his early manhood. 3. His constitution (was) always able to endure fasting, cold and sleeplessness beyond what is believable to anyone. 4. His mind (was) daring, crafty (and) versatile, a pretender and a dissembler of anything he wanted; (he was) covetous of (property) belonging to another, prodigal of his own (property), eager for avarice: (he had) eloquence enough (but) too little wisdom. 5. His insatiable spirit was always longing for extravagant, incredible and too ambitious (objects). 6. After the tyranny of Lucius (Cornelius) Sulla, a very great desire for the state to be seized had possessed him, nor did he consider by what means he attained that (object) as anything of importance, provided that he obtained power for himself. 7. His fierce mind was daily aroused more and more by the scarcity of his family’s resources and by consciousness of his crimes, both of which he had increased by those practices, which I have mentioned above. 8. Besides, the corrupt morals of the state, which those pernicious and mutually opposite evils, extravagance and avarice, rendered thoroughly depraved (lit. plagued), incited (him) also.
9. Since the occasion has reminded (me) of the morals of the state, the subject itself seems to call upon (me) to look further back and briefly (lit. in a few [words]) to discuss the arrangements of our ancestors, at home and on military service, by what means they managed the state, and how great they left (it), (and) how, having been changed gradually from the most fair and excellent (state), it became the most vicious and most depraved.
Chapter VI. The excellent qualities of early Roman society.
1. The Trojans, who, with Aeneas (as) their leader, were roaming (as) exiles with an unsettled abode, founded and occupied, from the beginning, the city of Rome, as I understand, and with these (were) the Aborigines, a wild race of men without laws, without government, free and uncontrolled. 2. How easily these (two groups), of disparate race, of dissimilar language, some living (with one set of) customs, (others) with another, coalesced, when they gathered together within the one walled city, is incredible to relate: thus, in a short (time), a scattered and wandering population became a state through their harmony. 3. But when their state, advancing (lit. having been increased) in (numbers of) citizens, (civilised) customs (and) territory, seemed prosperous enough and powerful enough, envy, as (things) happen for the most part in human (affairs), arose from wealth. 4. So, the neighboring kings and peoples assailed (them) with war, (but only) a few of their friends were of help: for the rest, stricken with fear, stood aloof from the dangers. 5. But the Romans, actively engaged at home and on military service, made haste, prepared, encouraged one another, met (lit. went against) the enemy, (and) protected their freedom, their native-land and their parents. Afterwards, when they had repelled the dangers by their courage, they brought assistance to their allies and friends, and acquired friendships more by services being given than being received. 6. They had a government based on law, (and) the name of that government (was) royal. Chosen men, whose bodies (were) infirm due to their years, (but whose) intellects were strong in wisdom, deliberated for (the good of) the state: they, whether from their age or from the similarity of their concerns, were called fathers. 7. Later, when the royal government, which had originally been (conducive) of liberty being preserved and the state being increased, turned itself into arrogance and tyranny, their practice having been changed, they created, on their own behalf, annual magistracies and two magistrates each year: (for) they considered that by this means the human mind would be least likely to grow overbearing through the licence (to do as it wished).
Chapter VII. After the monarchy was abolished, individual merit became conspicuous.
1. But at this period individual (citizens) began more to distinguish (lit. raise) themselves, and to display their natural ability more readily. 2. For, with kings, good men are more suspect then bad ones, and another’s virtue is always alarming. 3. But, liberty having been secured, it is incredible to relate how much the state advanced in power in a short (period of time): so great a passion for distinction had ensued. 4. Now, for the first time, the youth, as soon as it was able to endure war, learned the practice of military service by labour in the camp, and found its pleasure more in splendid arms and in military steeds than in harlots and in banquets. 5. So, to such men no labour (was) unusual, no place was at all rugged or steep, no armed enemy (was) formidable: their valour had subdued everything. 6. But among themselves the greatest rivalry was for glory: each was eager that he should strike the foe, scale a wall, (and) that he be noticed while he was performing such an exploit; this they regarded (as) riches, this (as) good repute and high nobility. Eager for praise, they were liberal with their money; they wanted boundless glory (and) wealth honourably acquired. 7. I could mention places in which the Roman people with a small band (of men) routed very large forces of the enemy, (and) cities which, (although) fortified by nature, they took by assault (lit. fighting), if these matters were not to draw us too far from my undertaking.
Chapter VIII. The glorious deeds of the early Romans were little known because of the lack of historians.
1. But, assuredly, fortune rules us in all things; she renders all those things famous, and obscures (them), in accordance with her whim rather than in accordance with the truth. 2. The exploits (lit. the things having been transacted) of the Athenians, inasmuch as I can judge, were sufficiently great and magnificent, but somewhat less however than are represented by reputation. 3. But because a great talent of writers flourished there, the deeds of the Athenians are celebrated throughout the world (lit. the orbit of the earth) as the greatest (of achievements). 4. Thus, the merit of those who have acted is regarded as highly as illustrious intellects could extol in their writings. 5. But to the Roman people there was never this abundance, since all the most capable were the most actively employed: no one exercised his intellect without his body; all the best men preferred to act (rather) than to speak, (and) that his own services should be praised by others (rather) than that he himself should relate (those) of others.
Chapter IX. Further praise of the early Roman character.
1. Good morals, accordingly, were cultivated at home and on military service, there was the greatest harmony (and) the least greed, (while) justice and decency prevailed among them, not more due to laws than to their natural (inclinations). 2. They displayed taunts, dissension (and) enmity to the enemy, (and) citizens competed with citizens in virtue. They were splendid in their offerings to the gods, frugal at home, (and) faithful to their friends. 3. By these two qualities, daring in war, (and) moderation whenever peace had come about, they took care both of themselves and of the state. 4. Of these facts I have these (as) the greatest proofs, that in war punishment was more often inflicted upon those who had fought against an enemy contrary to orders, and (those) who, having been recalled, had withdrawn from the battle too slowly, than (upon those) who had dared to desert their standards or to yield their position (when) pressed (by the enemy); 5. moreover, in peace, that they carried on the government more by (conferring) benefits than by fear, and that, an injury having been received, they preferred to pardon than to avenge (it)
Chapter X. How prosperity undermined the Romans’ moral excellence.
1. But when, by diligence and fair dealing the republic had increased its strength, (when) mighty kings had been overcome by force, (when) barbarous tribes and powerful peoples had been subjugated by force, (when) Carthage, rival to Roman power, had been destroyed utterly (lit. from its root), (when) every sea and land lay open (to us), (then) fortune began to be cruel and to throw everything into confusion. 2. To those who had easily endured toil, dangers, (and) uncertain and harsh situations, ease and wealth, things to be desired under other circumstances, became a burden and a misery. 3. So, at first, (desire) for money, then desire for power, arose; these things were, as it were, the source of all evils. 4. For indeed avarice subverted honesty, integrity and other honourable qualities; (and) in their place inculcated arrogance, cruelty, the neglect of the gods, (and) regarding everything (as) for sale. 5. Ambition induced many men to become deceitful, to keep one thing shut up in the breast, another ready on the tongue, to value friendships and enmities not in accordance with their true worth (lit. with the fact) but in accordance with their interest, and to esteem a (good) countenance rather than a good character. 6. These (vices) at first grew gradually, (and) sometimes they were punished; afterwards, when the contagion attacked (it) like a plague, the state (was) changed, (and) the government from (being) most just and excellent became cruel and unbearable.
Chapter XI. The corrupting effects of avarice and the love of luxury.
1. But at first ambition rather than avarice exercised the minds of men, which, (though) a vice (indeed), was yet nearer to a virtue. 2. For the worthy and the worthless (man) desire glory, honour (and) power for themselves equally; but the one strives by the right path, (the other), because good qualities fail him, contends with cunning and deceit. 3. Avarice implies a zeal for money, which no wise man has (ever) longed for; as if imbued with a deadly poison, it enervates the virile (man) in body and mind, it is always unbounded and insatiable, (and) is abated neither by abundance nor by want. 4. But, after Lucius (Cornelius) Sulla, the state, having been recovered by (force of) arms, with a good beginning had a bad ending, all (began) to rob (and) to plunder, one man desired a house, another lands, the victors showed neither restraint nor moderation, (but) inflicted shameful and cruel outrages upon citizens. To this was added (the fact) that Lucius (Cornelius) Sulla, in order to make (them) loyal to him, had treated the army which he had led into Asia with indulgence and too generously, contrary to the customs of our ancestors. Pleasant and luxurious quarters had, amid this idleness, easily softened the warlike spirits of the soldiers. 6. Henceforth, the army of the Roman people first grew accustomed to love and to drink, to admire statues, painted pictures and embossed pottery, to seize these things from private dwellings and public buildings, to despoil shrines, (and) to pollute everything, sacred and profane. 7. Accordingly, these soldiers, when they had obtained victory, arranged for nothing to be left to the vanquished. Since success (lit. favourable circumstances) tries the temper of the wise, much less could those men with corrupt character be moderate in victory.
Chapter XII. The unscrupulous use of wealth, and the moral degeneracy that followed.
1. When wealth began to be an honour, and glory, authority and influence attended on it, the (edge of) virtue grew dull, poverty was considered shameful, (and) uprightness began to be regarded as malice. 2. Therefore, through (the influence of) riches, luxury, and avarice (together) with pride assailed the youth; they robbed, they squandered, they valued their own (possessions) lightly (lit. as small), they desired the (belongings) of others, they (regarded as) worthless modesty (and) chastity, (and) the things of gods and the things of men, (and) they had no consideration or self-restraint (lit. they had nothing weighed nor measured). 3. It is worthwhile, when you have become thoroughly acquainted with houses and villas built on the scale of cities, to visit the temples to the gods which our ancestors, very religious men, constructed. 4. But they adorned the shrines of the gods with devotion, and their own homes with glory, and they did not take anything from those they conquered except their power to do harm. 5. But their (posterity), on the contrary, the basest of men, removed from their allies, through the most flagrant crime, all those things which those bravest victorious heroes had left; exactly as if in inflicting injury that was the only way to use power.
Chapter XIII. Unbridled self-indulgence led to a craving for still further excess.
1. For why should I mention these things, which are believable to no one except to those who have seen (them), that mountains have been levelled (lit. overturned), (and) seas filled in by several private (citizens)? 2. Their wealth seems to me to be an object of contempt to them, since they were eager to abuse through shamelessness what it was permissible (to them) to have possessed honourably. 3. But lust for debauchery (and) gluttony and all other kinds of self-indulgence had advanced no less: for the sake of feeding they scoured every land and sea, they slept before there was a desire for sleep, (and) they did not wait for hunger or thirst, nor cold nor fatigue, but anticipated all these things by luxurious (devices). 4. These things incited the youth, when their family resources had failed, to criminal activities. 5. Their minds, imbued with evil arts, could not easily go without sensual pleasures; for that reason they had surrendered themselves (lit. it had been surrendered [in their case]) the more recklessly to all kinds of rapacity and extravagance.
PART 2. CATILINE’S FIRST ATTEMPTS AT REVOLUTION: CHAPTERS XIV-XXV.
Chapter XIV. Catiline’s associates and supporters, and the arts by which he collected them.
1. In so great and so corrupt a city-state, Catiline kept around himself, something which it was very easy to do, gangs (of perpetrators) of every kind of shameful crime and wicked enterprise, as if (they were) body-guards. 2. For every shameless adulterer (and) libertine (who) had ruined his father’s property by gambling and gluttony (lit. by hand and stomach), and (anyone) who had incurred heavy debts (lit. gathered heavily another’s money), by which he might redeem a crime or evil act, 3. (and) moreover all sacrilegious cut-throats from every quarter convicted by the courts or fearing trial for their misdeeds, (add) to this (all) whom hand and tongue were sustaining through perjury or civil bloodshed, all in short whom wickedness, destitution, (and) a guilty conscience (lit. an aware mind) were agitating, these were the associates and the intimates of Catiline. 4. But if anyone still free (lit. empty) from blame had fallen into his friendship, he was, by daily intercourse and allurements, easily made equal and similar to the rest. 5. But he chiefly sought the intimacy of the young; (for) their impressionable and unformed minds were ensnared with no difficulty by his stratagems. 6. For, as the enthusiasm of each, on account of his (young) age, was inflamed, he bestowed courtesans on some and bought dogs and horses for others, and, in short, spared neither expense nor his sense of honour, so long as he could make them submissive and faithful to himself. 7. I know there were some (lit. not none) who thought thus, that the youth who frequented Catiline’s house regarded decency with too little honour, but this report had weight more from other causes than because it had been known to anyone.
Chapter XV. His crimes and wretchedness.
1. At first then, (as) a youth, Catiline had been engaged in many scandalous intrigues, with a virgin of noble birth, with a priestess of Vesta, (and) other things of this kind contrary to human and divine law. 2. At last, smitten with love for Aurelia Orestilla, of whom no respectable man ever praised anything except her beauty, it is believed for certain that, because she hesitated to marry him, fearing his step-son of adult age, he made his house free for these unhallowed nuptials, his son having been killed. 3. Indeed this matter seems to me especially the cause of the conspiracy being hastened. 4. For indeed his guilty mind, hateful to (both) gods and men, could be soothed neither by wakefulness nor repose: thus conscience ravaged his frenzied mind. 5. So his complexion (was) pale, his eyes bloodshot, and his gait sometimes quick (and) at other times slow; distraction was plainly apparent in (every) expression and look.
Chapter XVI. His training of his accomplices, and his resolution to subvert the government.
1. But he inducted the youth, whom, as I have said previously, he had enticed, into evil practices by many methods. 2. From among them he provided false witnesses and signatories; he bade (them) regard (as) worthless honour, fortunes and criminal charges (lit. dangers), (and) afterwards, when he had impaired their reputation and sense of shame, (he demanded) other greater (enormities). 3. If a reason for sinning was not readily forthcoming, nevertheless he (used) to entrap and murder the innocent as if (they were) guilty; indeed, lest their hand or heart should grow sluggish through inactivity, rather (than this should happen) he was gratuitously wicked and cruel.
4. Trusting in these friend and allies, (and) at the same time because the (level of) debt throughout all the world was huge, and because many of the soldiers of Sulla, having squandered their own (resources) too freely (and) remembering their rapine and former victory, were longing for civil war, Catiline formed a plan for the state to be overthrown. There was no army in Italy, Gnaeus Pompeius (Magnus) was waging war in a distant part of the world, he had a great hope of the seeking the consulship for himself, (and) in truth the Senate (was) intent upon nothing; everything (was) secure and quiet, but this (situation was) absolutely favourable for Catiline.
Chapter XVII. His gathering of the conspirators, and their names.
1. And so about the kalends of June, Lucius (Julius) Caesar and Gaius (Marcius) Figulus (Thermus) (being) consuls (i.e. in 64 B.C.), he at first addressed (them as) individuals, he exhorted some and sounded out others; he informed (them) about his own resources, the unprepared (condition of the) state, (and) the great rewards of the conspiracy. 2. When what he wanted (to know) had been sufficiently ascertained, he summoned together all whose need (was) greatest and in (whom) there was the greatest amount of daring. 3. Thither there gathered from the senatorial order, Publius (Cornelius) Lentulus Sura, Publius Autronius (Paetus), Lucius Cassius Longinus, Gaius (Cornelius) Cethegus, Publius and Servius (Cornelii) Sullae, the sons of Servius, Lucius Vargunteius, Quintus Annius (Chilo), Marcus Porcius Laeca, Lucius (Calpurnius) Bestia, (and) Quintus Curius; 4. besides (there were) from the equestrian order Marcus Fulvius Nobilior, Lucius Statilius, Publius Statilius, Publius Gabinius Capito (and) Gaius Cornelius; for this (purpose there were) many from the colonies and the municipalities, nobles in their localities (lit. at home). 5. There were, besides, several nobles associated with with this plot, (but) a little more secretly, whom the hope of power rather then poverty or (any) other exigence encouraged (to take part). Besides, many of the youth, but especially among the nobility, favoured the designs of Catiline, (those) who had (lit. for whom there was) an abundant means to live in ease or splendidly or luxuriously, (but) they preferred uncertainties before certainties and war (rather) then peace. 7. Likewise, there were (some) at that time who believed that Marcus Licinius Crassus was not unaware of this plot: because Gnaeus Pompeius (Magnus), (who was) hateful to him, was leading a great army, he was willing that anyone at all might advance in power in defiance of that man’s influence, trusting at the same time that, if the plot should succeed, he would easily be the chief among them.
Chapter XVIII. Catiline’s involvement in a former conspiracy.
1. But likewise previously, a few people had plotted against the state, among whom was Catiline; 2. about this I shall speak as truthfully as I am able. Lucius (Volcacius) Tullus and Manius (Aemilius) Lepidus (being) consuls (i.e. in 66 B.C.), Publius Autronius (Paetus) and Publius (Cornelius) Sulla, the designated consuls, having been prosecuted for bribery under the laws (against it), had paid the penalty. 3. A little afterwards, Catiline, a defendant (on a charge) of extortion (lit. monies to be recovered), had been prohibited from standing for the consulship, because he was unable to offer (lit. to profess) (himself as a candidate) within the specified (lit. legitimate) (number of) days. 4. There was at the same time a young noble (called) Gnaeus (Calpurnius) Piso, (a man) of the greatest daring, needy, an intriguer, whom poverty and wicked morals urged on for the purpose of the state being disturbed. 5. Their plan having been communicated to this man around the nones (i.e. the 5th) of December, Catiline and Autronius prepared to assassinate the consuls Lucius (Aurelius) Cotta and Lucius (Manlius) Torquatus on the Capitol on the kalends (i.e. the 1st) of January, (when) they themselves, the fasces (i.e. the bundle of rods carried before the consuls by their lictors) having been seized, were to send Piso with an army for the purpose of the two Spains being occupied. 6. This plot having been discovered, they had in return postponed the murder of the consuls to the nones (i.e. the 5th) of February. 7. Now, on this occasion, they were plotting the destruction, not only of the consuls, but of most of the senators (also). 8. But if Catiline had not been too hasty in giving the signal to his associates in front of the senate-house, there would have been perpetrated on that day the worst outrage since the city of Rome was founded. Since their armed (followers) had not yet mustered in large numbers, this circumstance frustrated the plan.
Chapter XIX. The murder of Piso while he was travelling in Spain.
1. Afterwards, Piso was sent (as) quaestor with the rank of praetor to Hither Spain, with Crassus striving (to secure this), because he had known him (to be) a bitter enemy to Gnaeus Pompeius. 2. Nor, however, had the Senate given (him) the province unwillingly, since it wished that infamous man to be far away from the republic, (and) at the same time because several worthy men thought that (there was some) security in him, and the power of Pompey was already at that time alarming. 3. But this Piso, (while) making a journey in his province, was murdered by (some) Spanish cavalrymen, whom he was leading in his army. 4. There are (some) who say thus, that these barbarians could not endure his unjust, haughty and cruel orders; 5. but others (assert) that those cavalrymen, (being) old and trusty clients of Gnaeus Pompeius (Magnus), attacked Piso at his instigation; besides (they observed) that these Spaniards had never perpetrated such an outrage, but had previously patiently submitted to harsh commands. We shall leave this question open (lit. in the midst). 6. Of this earlier conspiracy enough (has been) said.
Chapter XX. Catiline’s speech to the conspirators.
1. When Catiline sees those, whom I have mentioned just previously, assembled, although he had often had many (conversations) with (them as) individuals, yet thinking it would be to his purpose to address and exhort (them) together, he withdrew into a secluded part of his house, and there, all eye-witnesses having been removed afar off, he delivered a speech of this kind.
2. “If your courage and fidelity had not been tested by me, this favourable opportunity would have occurred in vain; great hopes (and) absolute power would have been within our grasp in vain, nor should I, through irresolution or useless dispositions, be pursuing uncertainties in place of certainties. 3. But, since on many and important occasions, I have found you (to be) brave and loyal to me, for that reason my spirit has ventured to undertake this most important and most glorious enterprise, (and) at the same time because I have understood that you have the same advantages and evils as I have (lit. that the same advantages and evils which [there are] to you, are to me): for to wish the same and to not wish the same 4. is indeed a firm (basis for) friendship.
5. “But (those things) which I have been reflecting upon in my mind, you have already all heard before individually. 6. But my spirit is daily more aroused, when I consider what our future condition of life must be, unless we ourselves assert our claim to (lit. we claim ourselves for) freedom. 7. For ever since the state has fallen under the jurisdiction and control of a few powerful men, (it is) always to them that kings (and) princes are tributary, that peoples and nations pay their taxes; (but) all the rest (of us) (however) brave (and) worthy, nobles and plebeians (alike), have become a rabble, without esteem, without influence, (and) subject to those to whom, if the state were powerful, we should have been an object of dread. 8. Therefore, all esteem, power, honour (and) riches are with them or where they wish (them to be); to us they have left criminal charges, rejections (when applying for office), prosecutions and destitution. 9. How long (lit. Until what time), pray, will you endure these things, (O) bravest of men? Is it not preferable to die in manliness than, when you have become a sport for other men’s insolence, to lose a wretched and degraded life in ignominy?
10. “But in very truth, oh! (I call upon) god and man (as) a faithful (witness), victory is within our grasp, our age is vigorous, our spirit is strong; on the contrary, everything is decaying with regard to their years and wealth. There is only the need for a beginning (by us); the course of events will settle the rest. 11. And indeed who among mortals, who has (lit. to whom there is) a manly disposition, can bear that they have (lit. there is to them) a superabundance of riches, which they can squander on seas being built over and mountains being levelled, (while) for us there is lacking the domestic means even for the necessities (of life)? (Who can bear) that they should join together two or more houses apiece, (while) for us there is nowhere any domestic hearth? 12. Although they purchase pictures, statues (and) embossed (vessels), (and) they pull down new (buildings) (and) build others, (and) in short they squander and plunder their possessions in every way, yet (even) with the extreme of caprice they cannot exhaust their wealth. 13. But for us there is poverty at home, debts abroad, our circumstances (are) bad and our expectations far more desperate; finally, what have we left (to us) except a wretched existence?
14. “So why do you not wake up? Behold that liberty, that (liberty) which you (so) often yearn for, (and) besides the wealth, honour (and) glory placed before your eyes. Fortune has placed all these rewards with the victors. Let the enterprise, the opportunity, the dangers, your poverty, (and) the glorious spoils of war encourage you (far) more than my speech. Use me either (as) your general or (as) a (fellow-)soldier: neither my mind nor my body will be absent from you. These very things, as I hope, I shall effect together with you (as) consul, unless by chance my mind deceives me and you are prepared to be slaves rather than to command.”
Chapter XXI. Catiline’s promises to his supporters.
1. When these men, who had (lit. to whom there were) all evil things in abundance, but neither any resources nor (any) good expectations, heard these things, although it seemed to them a great advantage to disturb the (public) tranquillity, yet most of them called upon (him) to set forth what were the terms of the war, what rewards they were to aim at by (taking up) arms, (and) what help and encouragement they would have in any quarter. 2. Catiline then promised abolition of debts (lit. new tablets), a proscription of the wealthy, magistracies, priesthoods, plunder (and) all the other things which war and the caprice of the victors bring. 3. Moreover (he said) that Piso was in Hither Spain, and Publius Sittius Nucerinus (was) in Mauretania with an army, (both being) accomplices in his plan; that Gaius Antonius (Hybrida), whom he hoped would be his colleague, was aiming for the consulship, a man (who was) both an intimate (of his) and entangled in every kind of difficulty; (and) that, with him, he (as) consul would undertake the beginning of the action (lit. of the doing). 4. In addition to this, he assailed all good (citizens) with reproaches, (and) he commended each one of his associates by name (lit. naming [them]); he reminded one of his poverty, another of his ruling passion, several (others) of their (impending) prosecution or disgrace, (and) many of the victories of Sulla, by which there had been such (an amount)of booty. 5. When he sees the spirits of all uplifted, encouraging (them) to regard his candidature (for consul) as a matter of concern, he dismissed the assembly.
Chapter XXII. His supposed ceremony to unite them.
1. There were at that time (some) who said that Catiline, his speech having been delivered, since (he wished) to put (lit. compel) the accomplices to his crime on (lit. towards [taking] an) oath, he handed around in bowls the blood of a human body mixed with wine; 2. (and) that, when, after an imprecation, they had all tasted of it, as was accustomed to happen in sacred rites, he disclosed his plan, and they assert that he did (this) for this reason, (namely) in order that (lit. that by this means) they might be more faithful to one another (lit. between themselves), some (being) aware of the very great crime of another. 3. (But) some (lit. not none) thought that both these (reports) and many (others) were invented by those who believed that the odium against Cicero might be assuaged by the enormity of the crime of those who had paid the penalty (of execution). In our opinion (lit. For us) that charge, in proportion to its magnitude, has been insufficiently (lit. too little) established.
Chapter XXIII. Catiline’s designs are reported by Fulvia.
1. But in this conspiracy was Quintus Curtius, born in no humble station, (but) immersed in vices and crimes, (and) whom the censors had removed from the Senate on account of his shameful life. 2. There was in this man no less levity than recklessness: he neither kept silent about what he had heard, nor did he himself conceal his own crimes; in short, he regarded neither speaking nor acting (as) something of importance. 3. He had (lit. there was to him) a long-standing intrigue (lit. habit of debauchery) with Fulvia, a woman of noble birth; when this became less welcome to her, because through his poverty he could spend less lavishly, he suddenly began, boasting, to promise (her) seas and mountains, and sometimes to threaten (her) with the sword, unless she were submissive to him; in short, he behaved (even) more insolently than he had been accustomed (to do). 4. But Fulvia, the cause of Curius’ strange behaviour having been discovered, did not keep the danger to the state secret, but, her source having been suppressed, she told several (people) what she had heard, and in what way, concerning Catiline’s conspiracy.
5. This information especially aroused the enthusiasm of the citizens (lit. of men) for the consulship being entrusted to Marcus Tullius Cicero. 6. For indeed before (that time) most of the nobility seethed with jealousy and thought the consulship to be, as it were, polluted, if a new man, however distinguished, were to obtain it. But, when danger approached, envy and arrogance were set aside (lit. were [placed] afterwards).
Chapter XXIV. Catiline’s alarm at the election of Cicero to the consulship, and his purpose in recruiting women to his cause.
1. So, the assembly having been held, Marcus Tullius (Cicero) and Caius Antonius (Hybrida) were declared consuls, which event first shocked the partners in the conspiracy. 2. And yet the fury of Catiline was not diminished, but he put in motion more (schemes) daily, he provided arms in convenient places throughout Italy, (and) he conveyed money, raised as a loan on his own security or (that) of his friends, to a certain Manlius at Faesulae, who afterwards was the first to engage in war (lit. the first in war being made). 3. At this time, he is said to have attracted to his (cause) men of every class, (and) also some women, who [in their early life (lit. at first) had borne the burden of great expenditure by the prostitution of their bodies, (but) later, when age had effected only their gains but not their (taste for) luxury,] had incurred heavy debts. 4. Through these women Catiline believed that he could incite the urban slaves to set fire to the city, and either to unite their husbands to his (cause) or kill (them).
Chapter XXV. Catiline’s accomplice, Sempronia, characterised.
1. But among these women was Sempronia, who had committed many crimes of masculine boldness. 2. This woman was fortunate enough in her birth, in her looks, in her husband too, (and) in her children; skilled in Greek and Latin literature, in playing the lyre and dancing more gracefully than is necessary for an honest woman, (and) in many other (accomplishments) which are the ornaments of extravagance. 3. But all things (were) dearer to her than modesty and chastity were; you could not easily tell (whether) she was less sparing of her money or her reputation. Her lust (was) so ardent that she more often sought men than she was sought (by them). 4. But frequently before this time she had broken her pledge, had forsworn a trust, had been an accomplice in (lit. aware of) murder, (and) had descended headlong due to her extravagance and poverty. 5. But her ability (was) not despicable: she could compose (lit. make) verses, crack a joke, and engage in conversation, whether modest or tender or wanton; in short there was in (her) much wit and much charm (of expression).
PART 3: EARLY STAGES OF THE CONSPIRACY: CHAPTERS XXVI-XXXVI, 3.
Chapter XXVI. Catiline’s ambition to become consul, his plot to assassinate Cicero, and his disappointment in both.
1. These arrangements having been made (i.e. those mentioned in Chapter 24), Catiline nevertheless sought the consulship for the next year (i.e. 62 B.C.), hoping that, if he were elected, he would easily use Antonius in accordance with this will. 2. Nor, in the meantime, was he inactive, but he prepared traps for Cicero in every way. However, good sense or adroitness were not lacking to him to guard against (them). 3. For indeed, from the beginning of his consulship, he had, by promising many things through Fulvia, arranged that Quintus Curtius, about whom I have been speaking just before, should betray Catiline’s plans to him. 4. In addition to this he had induced his colleague Antonius, by an agreement concerning provinces, not to be disposed against the state, (and) he kept around himself secretly a guard of his friends and clients. 5. When the day of the assembly came and neither Catiline’s candidature nor the plots against the consuls in the Campus (Martius) had turned out successfully, he determined to make war and to try every extremity, since what he had secretly attempted had ended (as) desperate and shameful (affairs).
Chapter XXVII. Catiline sends Manlius into Etruria and convenes the conspirators for the second time.
1. Accordingly, he despatched Gaius Manlius to Faesulae and into that part of Etruria, a certain Septimius, a native of Camerinum into the territory of Picenum, Gaius Julius into Apulia, (and) also others to other (places), wherever he thought each would be convenient for him. 2. He laid (lit. spread) traps for the consuls, he prepared fires, he occupied suitable places with armed men, he was himself under arms (lit. with a weapon), he bade the others (do) likewise, (and) exhorted (them) to be always on their guard and ready (for action); he was active (and) vigilant by day and by night. 3. At last, when nothing of his considerable agitation succeeded, he again convoked the leaders of the conspiracy at dead of night (lit. at the part of the night unsuitable for work) through the agency of Marcus Porcius Laeca. 4. and thereupon he complained about their inactivity, and informs (them) that he had sent forward Manlius to that large band which he had prepared to take up arms (lit. for arms to be taken up), (and) likewise others into other suitable places in order to make a commencement of the war, and that he wished to set out for the army, if (only) he could have destroyed Cicero beforehand; (for) he was greatly obstructing their plans.
Chapter XXVIII. Catiline’s second attempt to kill Cicero, and his instructions to Manlius.
1. So, with the rest terrified and uncertain, Gaius Cornelius, a Roman knight, having promised his services, and with him Lucius Vargunteius, a senator, decided to go with armed men a little later on that (very) night, as though paying their respects (to him), and assassinate (him) suddenly (as he was) unprepared in his own house. 2. Curius, when he realises how great a danger was threatening (lit. hanging over) the consul, hastily divulges to Cicero through Fulvia the treachery which was being prepared. 3. So they, held back at the door, had undertaken their terrible (lit. great) enterprise in vain.
4. Meanwhile, Manlius was stirring up the people in Etruria, (who) through poverty and resentment at their injuries, because under the tyranny of Sulla they had lost their lands and all their property, (were) eager for a revolution (lit. new arrangements), (and) also outlaws of every kind, of whom there was a great abundance in that region, (and) some (lit. not none) of Sulla’s colonists, whose lust and extravagance had caused nothing to be left out of that enormous plunder.
Chapter XXIX. Catiline’s machinations induce the Senate to confer extraordinary power on the consuls.
1. When these (matters) were reported to Cicero, he, alarmed at the two-fold (lit. double-headed) evil, because he could neither protect the city any longer from these plots by his private plans, nor did he have enough intelligence about how great Manlius’ army might be nor by what design (there was for it), refers the matter, (which was) already previously being discussed through rumours among the people, to the Senate. Accordingly, 2. as is generally customary in an emergency (lit. in a dark business), the Senate decreed that the consuls should take measures (lit. give their services) so that the republic should not suffer (lit. catch) harm. 3. That power (is) the greatest (which is) permitted, according to Roman custom, by the Senate to a magistrate, (namely the power) to prepare an army, to wage war, to exercise control, in all ways, over allies and citizens, (and) to hold the highest command and jurisdiction at home and on military service; otherwise, except by a command of the people, the consul has no legal right in any of these matters (lit. there is a legal right to the consul in none of these matters).
Chapter XXX. Catiline’s activities are opposed by various precautions.
1. After a few days, Lucius Saenius, a senator, read out in the Senate a letter, which he said had been brought to him from Faesulae, in which it was written that Gaius Manlius with a large band of men had taken up arms on the sixth day before the kalends of November (i.e. the 27th October). At the same time, 2. something which is usual in such a situation, some reported portents and prodigies, others that meetings were happening, arms were being conveyed, (and) a slave war was being provoked in Capua and in Apulia. 3. Accordingly, by a decree of the Senate, Quintus Marcius Rex was despatched to Faesulae, Quintus (Caecilius) Metellus Creticus into Apulia 4. and those parts roundabout – both these men were commanders near to the city, having been prevented from celebrating a triumph by the subterfuge of a few, whose custom it was to sell everything (both) honestly and dishonestly (acquired) – , 5. but the praetors (were sent out), Quintus Pompeius Rufus to Capua (and) Quintus (Caecilius) Metellus Celer into the territory of Picenum, and (it was) permitted to them to raise an army in proportion to the crisis and the danger: 6. in addition to this, if anyone should have given information about the conspiracy which had been formed against the state, it (i.e. the Senate) decreed freedom and a hundred sesterces (as) a reward to a slave, (and) to a freeman a pardon for his involvement and two hundred sesterces, 7. and also that the schools of gladiators should be distributed at Capua and in other municipal towns in relation to the capacity of each one, (and that) at Rome watches should be kept through the whole city, and that the lesser magistrates should have charge of them.
Chapter XXXI. The city is pervaded with gloom; Catiline’s effrontery in the Senate.
1. By these arrangements the citizen-body (was) alarmed and the appearance of the city was changed. From that extreme gaiety and dissipation, which long tranquillity had produced, 2. a sudden gloom pervaded everyone: they hastened to become anxious, they trusted neither (any) place nor any man sufficiently, they neither waged war nor had peace, (and) each measured the danger by his own fear. 3. In addition to this the women, to whom due to the great size of the republic fear of war had come upon (them as) an unaccustomed (feeling), beat their breasts (lit. harassed themselves), stretched out their hands to heaven (as) suppliants, bewailed their little children, kept asking (questions), trembled at everything, and, their pride and pleasures having been set aside, despaired of themselves and of their country.
4. But the ruthless spirit of Catiline was busy with these same (schemes), although precautions were being prepared (against him) and he himself had been accused under the law of Plautius by Lucius (Aemilius) Paulus. 5. At last, for the sake of dissembling or of himself being cleared (of the charge), as though he had been provoked by (some) taunt, he went into the Senate. 6. Then the consul, Marcus Tullius Cicero, whether alarmed at his presence or aroused with fury, delivered that speech, (both) brilliant and useful to the republic, which, having been written (down), he afterwards published. 7. But when he sat down, Catiline, ready as he was for everything to be dissembled, began, with a downcast countenance and a suppliant’s voice, to entreat the fathers not to believe anything rashly (said) about him; (he declared) that he, sprung from such a family, had so ordered his life that he had everything good to hope for (lit. in expectation); that they should not think that it was necessary to him, a patrician man, whose own services to the people of Rome and (those) of his ancestors were numerous, for the city to be destroyed (lit. for the city having been destroyed), when Marcus Tullius (Cicero), an adopted citizen of the city of Rome, should (wish to) preserve it. 8. When he was adding other invectives in addition to this, they all shouted (him) down, (and) called (him) an enemy and a traitor (lit. parricide). 9. Then, wild with fury, he said, “Since, surrounded by enemies, I am indeed driven to desperation (lit. headlong), I shall extinguish the fire around me (lit. my own fire) in a (general) ruin.”
Chapter XXXII. Catiline sets out for Etruria.
1. Then, he rushed forth (lit. snatched himself) from the Senate-house to his house. There, turning over many things in his mind (lit. with himself), because his plots against the consul were not advancing and he realised that the city was fortified against fire by the watches, (and) thinking that the best thing to do (was) to augment his army and to take beforehand many things which might be of use in war before the legions could be levied, he set out at dead of night with (only) a few men for the camp of Manlius. 2. But he entrusts to Cethegus and Lentulus and others of whose prompt boldness he had learned, that they should strengthen the resources of their faction in whatever ways they could, that they should bring to fruition the plots against the consul, and that they should arrange a massacre, fires and other destructive acts of war; (and he adds) that he would shortly be advancing on Rome with a large army.
3. While these things were being carried out in Rome, Gaius Manlius sends (some men) from his force (as) ambassadors to (Quintus) Marcius Rex with directions (to address him) of this kind.
Chapter XXXIII. Manlius sends a deputation to Marcius.
1. “We call gods and men to witness, general, that we have taken up arms, neither against our country nor to cause danger to anyone, but in order that our persons may be safe from harm, (we) who are deprived, most of us, of our home, but all (of us) of our reputation and fortunes. Neither has it been permitted to any one of us, through the custom of our ancestors, to use the law, nor, our patrimony having been lost, to keep our persons free: so great has been the cruelty of the money-lenders and of the praetor. 2. Your ancestors, taking pity on the people of Rome, have often relieved their want by their decrees, and, most recently, within our memory, on account of the great extent of debt, (and) with all good (citizens) being willing, silver was repaid with copper. 3. Often (too) the plebeians, aroused either by the desire of ruling or by the arrogance of the magistrates, have seceded under arms from the patricians. 4. But we are not seeking power or riches, for the sake of which things there are wars and struggles among mankind, but (only) our liberty, which no honourable man loses except with his life at the same time. 5. We entreat you and the Senate, your wretched (fellow-)citizens having been considered, that you restore the protection of the law, which the injustice of the praetor has taken (from us), and that you do not impose upon us that necessity to seek by what means, pray, we may perish, (while) avenging our blood to the greatest extent.”
Chapter XXXIV. Marcius calls upon the rebels to lay down their arms; Catiline’s representations to various respectable people.
1. To these (words) Quintus Marcius (Rex) replies that if they wish to seek anything from the Senate, they must lay down (lit. retire from) their arms, (and) proceed to Rome (as) a suppliant: (he adds) that the Senate of the Roman people had always been of such kindness and sympathy that no one has ever sought help from it in vain.
2. But Catiline, on the march, sends letters to most men of consular rank, and to all the most distinguished (among them); (he says) that he, having been encompassed by false accusations, since he was unable to resist the faction of his enemies, was yielding to fortune (and) was proceeding into exile in Massilia, not that he had (lit. there was to him) any awareness of so great a crime, but that the state might be undisturbed, and that no insurrection might arise from his struggle (to defend himself). Quintus (Lutatius) Catulus read out in the Senate a letter (which was) very different from these (comments), which he said was delivered to him in the name of Catiline. A copy of this is written below.
Chapter XXXV. Catiline’s letter to Catulus.
1. “Lucius (Sergius) Catilina (sends greetings) to Quintus (Lutatius) Catulus. Your pre-eminent loyalty, known (to me) by practical experience, (and) welcome to me in (the midst of) my great perils, gives (me) confidence in my recommendation. 2. Therefore (lit. on account of this thing), I have determined not to prepare a (formal) defence with regard to my new policy: (but) I have decided, (although) not out of any consciousness of guilt, to lay before (you) a (private) explanation, which, so help me god of faith, it is permitted that you may acknowledge (as) true. 3. Provoked by injuries and insults, because, having been deprived of the fruit of my labour and exertion, I did not obtain the position of honour (due to me), I have undertaken, in accordance with my custom, the public cause of the downtrodden, not but that I could have repaid out of my own property the debts (standing) in my own name, nay the generosity of Orestilla would have paid off from her own and her daughter’s funds (the debts standing) in the names of others, but because I saw unworthy (lit. not worthy) men honoured by office, and felt that I had been made an outcast by false suspicions. 4. On these grounds (lit. in the name of these things), I have followed a course (lit. an expectation) honourable enough in my (present) fortunes for what is left of my dignity to be preserved. 5. When I was wishing to write more, it was reported that force was being prepared against me. 6. I now commend Orestilla (to you) and entrust (her) to your protection (lit. security). May you defend her from injury, having been entreated (to do so) for the sake of your children. Farewell.”
Chapter XXXVI. Catiline arrives at Manlius’ camp; he is declared a public enemy by the Senate.
1. But he (i.e. Catiline) himself, having stayed for a few days with Gaius Flaminius (Flamma) in the neighbourhood of Arretium, while he was supplying the vicinity, (which had been) previously incited (to rebellion), with arms, marched, with his fasces and the other insignia of authority to (join) Manlius in his camp. 2. When these things were known at Rome, the Senate declares Catiline and Manlius (public) enemies, (and), for the rest of their force, fixed a day before which it was permitted (to them) to lay down their arms with a free pardon (lit. without guilt), except with regard to those convicted of capital offences. 3. It decrees as well that the consuls should hold a levy, (that) Antonius should hasten to pursue Catiline with an army, (and that) Cicero should protect (lit. should be a protection to) the city.
PART 4. PARTY STRIFE AT ROME: CHAPTERS XXXVI,4-XXXIX,5.
Catiline’s adherents remain loyal and resolute.
4. At this period the empire of the Roman people seemed to me pitiable to a very great degree. Although everything from east to west (lit. from the rising to the setting of the sun) appeared in subjection to its arms, (and) at home tranquillity and affluence were in abundance, yet there were citizens who, with stubborn minds, were proceeding to destroy both themselves and the state. 5. For indeed, in spite of two decrees of the Senate, not (one person) out of so great a number, having been induced by the reward, had betrayed the conspiracy, nor had anyone out of all (of them) deserted (lit. departed) from Catiline’s camp. So great a power of disaffection had, like a pestilence, pervaded the minds of most of these citizens.
Chapter XXXVII. The discontent and disaffection of the populace in Rome.
1. Nor was this disordered mind only in those who had been guilty of conspiracy, but absolutely all of the common people, through a desire for revolution (lit. new arrangements), favoured the designs of Catiline. 2. To do just that seemed in accordance with their character. 3. For always in a state (those) who have (lit. [those] to whom there are) no resources are jealous of respectable people, (endeavour to) exalt the factious, hate established things, long for new (arrangements), (and), from a hatred of their own circumstances, are eager for everything to be changed: they are fed by riot and sedition without (any) anxiety, since destitution is (a position) easily kept up without loss.
4. But the common people of the city, they had in truth become desperate from many causes. 5. First of all, (those) who everywhere took the lead especially in crime and wantonness, so also others who, their patrimonies having been lost through dissipation, (and), in short, all whom vice or villainy had driven from their homes, these had flowed into Rome, as though into a sewer. 6. Next, many people, mindful of the victories of Sulla, because they saw some (raised) from common soldiers into senators, (and) others so enriched as to spend their time in a regal style of living and in luxury, each hoped, if they were to take up arms (lit. they were to be in arms), for such things from victory for himself. 7. In addition, the youth, who had endured a scanty livelihood by manual labour (lit. the reward of their hands), induced by private and public largesses had preferred idleness in the city to unwelcome toil. These, and all others (of a similar kind), public disorder was nourishing. 8. For this reason it is less surprising that needy men, of dissolute character and with the highest expectations, should have considered the state as little as (lit. just the same as) themselves. 9. Besides, (those) whose parents, with the victory of Sulla, (had been) proscribed, (whose) property (had been) seized, (and whose) right of liberty had been diminished, awaited the outcome of the war with a mind that was, doubtless, no different. 10. In addition to this, whosoever was of a different party than (that) of the Senate preferred that the state should be convulsed (rather) than that they themselves should have less power. 11. Just that evil had returned to the community after many years.
Chapter XXXVIII. The old contentions between the parties of the Senate and the people.
1. For, after the power of the tribunes was restored, Gnaeus Pompeius (Magnus) and Marcus (Licinius) Crassus (being) consuls (i.e. in 70 B.C.), (certain) young men, who had (lit. to whom there was) an ardent age and temper, this most important office (lit. power) having been obtained, began to stir up the common people by inveighing against the Senate, then inflamed (them still) further by giving largesses and making promises, (and) thus they themselves became famous and powerful. 2. On the other side, most of the nobility strove against them with their utmost strength. For indeed, as I shall state in a few (words), 3. whoever, after that time, disturbed the republic on honourable pretexts, some, as if to defend the rights of the people, others in order that the authority of the Senate should be very great, (while) representing the public good, they strove, each one (of them) on behalf of his own power. 4. To these (parties) there was neither moderation nor a limit to the strife: each one followed up success ruthlessly.
Chapter XXXIX. The effect which a victory of Catiline would have produced.
1. But after Gnaeus Pompeius (Magnus) was sent to the maritime and the Mithridatic war, the power of the people was diminished and the influence of the few increased. 2. They held the magistracies, the provinces and everything else, (and) themselves prospering unharmed, passed their time without fear, (but) they terrified (all) the rest (of their colleagues) by (the threat of) prosecutions, so that, during their magistracy, they might treat the people more mildly. 3. But, as soon as, in these uncertain circumstances, the prospect of effecting a revolution was offered (them), the old feud aroused their spirits. 4. But if Catiline, in his first battle, had come away on top or on equal terms (lit. with an equal measure), great disaster and misfortune would have overwhelmed the state, but it would not have been permitted to those who had won the victory to enjoy it for (much) longer, but that (someone) who was more powerful would wrest the power and liberty from their weary and feeble (hands).
5. There were, however, several men outside the conspiracy, who set out to (join) Catiline at the outset. Among these was (Aulus) Fulvius, the son of a senator, whom, dragged back (while) on his journey, his father ordered to be put to death.
PART 5. THE BETRAYAL OF THE CONSPIRACY: CHAPTERS XXXIX,6-XLIX.
Lentulus enrols many adherents in Rome.
6. At the same time in Rome, Lentulus, as though Catiline had ordered (him), was trying to incite, either through himself or through others, anyone whom he thought was suited, by his character or by his fortune, to revolution (lit. new arrangements), and not citizens only but a type of men that might be of use in some way in war.
Chapter XL. The Allobroges are solicited to engage in the conspiracy.
1. Accordingly, he assigns (lit. gives the task to) a certain Publius Umbrenus to seek out the ambassadors of the Allobroges, and to induce them, if he could, to an alliance in the war, thinking that they were oppressed by (both) public and private debt, (and) that, because, in addition, the Gallic nation was warlike by nature, they could easily be drawn into such a design. 2. Umbrenus, as he had traded in Gaul, was known to most of their communities, and had become acquainted with them; and so, without delay, as soon as he caught site of these ambassadors in the Forum, having inquired in a few (words) about the state of their community, and as though commiserating on its misfortunes, he began to ask what outcome they hoped for in relation to such great evils. 3. When he sees that they are complaining about the rapacity of the magistrates, (and) are inveighing against the Senate, because there had been in it nothing of (any) help, (and) that they were expecting death (as) the remedy for their miseries, he says, “But I shall show you a way by which you may escape these very great evils.” 4. When he said these things, the Allobroges, inspired with the highest hopes, begged Umbrenus to take pity on them: (they said) that there was nothing so hard or so difficult which they would not most gladly perform, so long as this act were to free their community from debt. 5. He leads them to the house of Decimus (Junius) Brutus, which was near to the Forum, and, on account of Sempronia, not unsuited (lit. foreign) to his purpose. For, at that time, Brutus was absent from Rome. 6. He also summons Gabinius in order that there might be greater authority in the discussions. With him being present, he reveals the conspiracy, names their confederates, (and) in addition many (others) of every sort, (although they were) innocent, in order that the ambassadors’ confidence might be fuller. Then he sent them, having promised their assistance, back to their lodgings.
Chapter XLI. The Allobroges disclose the plot to Sanga, who reports it to Cicero.
1. But the Allobroges were in an uncertain (mind) for a long time as to what course they should take. 2. On the one side, was their indebtedness, their love of war, the great reward to be expected from victory (lit. in the expectation of victory), but, on the other (side), the greater resources, a risk-free course, (and) certain rewards instead of uncertain hopes. 3. With them balancing (lit. turning over) these things, the (good) fortune of the state at length prevailed. 4. Accordingly, they disclose the whole affair, (just) as they had learned it, to Quintus Fabius Sanga, whose patronage their state employed very greatly. 5. Cicero, the plot having been reported (to him) by Sanga, orders the ambassadors to feign eagerly a zeal for the conspiracy, (to) visit the others, make splendid promises, (and) bestow (every) effort to have them convicted as clearly (lit. much) as possible.
Chapter XLII. The rashness of Catiline’s accomplices in Gaul and Italy.
1. At almost the same time, in Hither (i.e. Italy, north of the Po) and Further Gaul (i.e. Provence), and likewise in the territory of Picenum and of Bruttium, and in Apulia, there was a disturbance. 2. For indeed, those, whom Catiline had previously sent out, had pushed on all their plans rashly and as if by madness. By nocturnal meetings, by transportations of armour and weapons, by hastening and stirring up everything, they had created more alarm than danger. 3. Out of this number, the praetor, Quintus (Caecilius) Metellus Celer, their cases having been tried under a resolution of the Senate, had thrown several men into prison (lit. fetters); likewise Gaius (Licinius) Murena in Hither Gaul (N.B. it was actually Further Gaul), who presided over that province (as) a legate.
Chapter XLIII. The plans of Catiline’s adherents in Rome.
1. But in Rome Lentulus, with the others who were leaders in the conspiracy, a large force, as it seemed (to them), having been prepared had arranged that, when Catiline had come to the territory of Faesulae with his army, Lucius (Calpurnius) Bestia, a tribune of the plebs, a meeting having been held, should complain of the proceedings of Cicero and should seek to lay the odium of this most serious war upon the most excellent consul; with this signal the rest of the body of the conspiracy should, on the following day, each execute his own tasks.
2. But these (tasks) were said to (have been) distributed in this manner: that Statilius and Gabinius with a large force should set on fire twelve convenient places in the city, in order that in this confusion easier access might be brought about to the consul and the others for whom an ambush was being prepared; Cethegus was to besiege Cicero’s door and to attack him with violence, (and) others other (victims), but the sons of (certain) families, of which the greatest part was from the nobility, were to kill their families; at the same time, all having been thrown into panic by the massacre and arson, they were to burst forth to (join) Catiline.
3. Amidst these things having been prepared and resolved, Cethegus was constantly complaining of his associates’ inactivity: (he said) that they were wasting excellent opportunities by hesitating and by postponing (things) from day to day, and that he, if a few would assist (him), with the others being feeble, would make an attack on the Senate-house. Impetuous (and) eager by nature, he was (always) ready to strike a blow (lit. ready with his hand); he thought that the greatest advantage (lay) in speed.
Chapter XLIV. The Allobroges succeed in obtaining proofs of the conspirators’ guilt.
1. But the Allobroges, in accordance with Cicero’s direction, met the other (conspirators) through Gabinius. From Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, (and) Cassius likewise, they demanded a declaration on oath (lit. to be sworn), which, having been sealed, they might take to their (fellow-)citizens: (for they said) that they could not otherwise easily induce them to (join) so important an affair. 2. The others, suspecting nothing, gave (their consent), but Cassius promises that he will come thither (i.e. to Gaul) shortly, and (indeed) he sets out from the city a little before the ambassadors. 3. Lentulus sends with them a certain Titus Volturcius of Croton, in order that the Allobroges, before they proceeded home, should confirm their alliance with Catiline by a pledge given and received. 4. He himself gives Volturcius a letter for Catiline, a copy of which is written below.
5. “Who I am you will learn from the person whom I have sent to you. See that you consider in how much of a calamitous position you are, and remember that you are a man. May you seek aid from everyone, even from the lowest”.
6. In addition to this he gives these instructions in words: since he had been declared a (public) enemy by the Senate, for what purpose should he reject slaves? That in the city (everything) that he had ordered had been arranged. (And) he himself should not delay to approach nearer (to it).
Chapter XLV. The Allobroges and Volturcius are arrested by the contrivance of Cicero.
1. These matters having been done thus, (and) a night having been determined on which they should set out, Cicero, having been fully informed of everything by the ambassadors, orders the praetors, Lucius Valerius Flaccus and Gaius Pomptinus, to apprehend the retinue of the Allobroges by an ambush on the Milvian bridge. He discloses everything for the sake of which they were being sent, (and) he allows (them to) so manage the other things as there is a need for action. 2. They, (being) military men, a guard having been positioned, as had been directed, without (any) disturbance, occupy the bridge secretly. 3. When the ambassadors, with Volturcius, came to this spot and a shout was raised from both sides (of the bridge) simultaneously, the Gauls, the situation (lit. plan) having been quickly understood, surrender to the praetors without delay, 4. (but) Volturcius at first encouraging the others, defends himself from the force of soldiers with his sword, then, when he sees he is deserted by the ambassadors, first earnestly entreating Pomptinus, because he was known to him, concerning his own safety, (but) in the end, terrified and trembling for his life, surrenders himself to the praetors as though to a (foreign) enemy.
Chapter XLVI. The principal conspirators at Rome are brought before the Senate.
1. This affair having been concluded, everything is quickly reported to the consul by messengers. 2. Yet great anxiety and (great) joy took possession of him simultaneously. For he rejoiced, realising that, the conspiracy having been revealed, the state had been saved from danger, yet, on the other hand, he was anxious, being doubtful what he needed to do (lit. what work there was [for him] in action), such eminent citizens having been arrested in (the midst of) so great a crime: he thought that their punishment (would be) a burden for him, (but) that their pardon would involve the state being ruined. 3. So, his resolve having been strengthened, he orders Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and also Caeparius of Terracina, who was preparing to set out for Apulia for the purpose of the slaves being incited (to rebel). 4. The others come without delay; (but) Caeparius, having left his house just before, information (about the plot having been given) having been discovered, had fled from the city. 5. The consul himself conducts Lentulus to the Senate, as he was a praetor, holding (him) by the hand, and orders the rest to come to the Temple of Concord with their guards. 6. Thither he summons the Senate, and in a full house (lit. in a great concourse of that assembly) he introduces Volturcius with the ambassadors; he (also) orders the praetor Flaccus to bring to the same place the box with the letters which he had received from the ambassadors.
Chapter XLVII. The evidence against the conspirators and their confinement to custody.
1. Volturcius, having been asked about his journey, about his letter, (and) lastly what object he had had or from what motive he had (acted), at first pretended things other (than the truth), and feigned ignorance of the conspiracy; (but) afterwards, when he was told to speak under a promise of pardon (lit. [on the security] of the public faith), he discloses everything as it had happened, and informs (them) that he was admitted (as) an associate by Gabinius and Caeparius a few days before, (and) that he knew nothing more then the ambassadors (knew), (except) only that he was accustomed to hearing from Gabinius that Publius Autronius (Paetus), Servius (Cornelius) Sulla, Lucius Vargunteius (and) many (others) besides were in this conspiracy. 2. The Gauls confess the same things and charge the dissembling Lentulus, in addition to the letter, with remarks which he was in the habit of making that, according to the Sibylline books, the sovereignty of Rome was predestined to three Cornelians; that Cinna and Sulla (had been) previously, and that he was the third whose fate it would be to have control of the city. Besides, that this was the twentieth year from the Capitol having been burned, (a year) which the the augurs from (certain) omens had often declared would be stained with the blood of (lit. bloodstained by) civil war. 3. So, the letter having been read, the Senate, when all had previously acknowledged their seals, decreed that Lentulus, his magistracy having been removed, and the others likewise, should be held in private (lit. free) custody. 4. Therefore Lentulus is entrusted to Publius (Cornelius) Lentulus Spinther, who was then an aedile, Cethegus to Quintus Cornificius, Statilius to Gaius (Julius) Caesar, Gabinius to Marcus (Licinius) Crassus, (and) Caeparius – for he had just beforehand been dragged back from flight – to the senator Gnaeus Terentius.
Chapter XLVIII. The alteration in the minds of the populace, and the suspicions entertained against Crassus.
1. Meanwhile, the common people, who, desirous of a revolution (lit. of new arrangements), were at first too much favourable to war, their minds having been changed with the conspiracy having been revealed, (began) to execrate the designs of Catiline and to extol Cicero to the sky: (and,) as if rescued from servitude, joy and exultation were arousing (them). 2. For indeed (they expected) that the other evils of war would be a gain rather than a loss (to them), but they thought that the burning (of the city) cruel, immoderate, and especially disastrous for themselves for themselves, since all their resources were in daily use and in their clothing (lit. in the comforts of the body).
3. On the day after that (i.e. on 4th December), a certain Lucius Tarquinius, whom they said was dragged back from his journey, (when) setting out to (join) Catiline, was brought to the Senate. 4. That man, when he said that he would give information about the conspiracy, if a promise of a pardon (lit. [the security] of the public faith) were granted (to him), (and) having been directed by the consul to tell in full what he knew, tells the Senate almost the same things as Volturcius (had) about the fires (which had been) prepared, about the massacre of respectable (citizens) (and) about the march of the enemy; (and) in addition that he (was) sent by Marcus (Licinius) Crassus to take a message to Catiline that Lentulus and Cethegus and the others from the conspiracy having been arrested ought not to alarm him, and (that) he should hasten the more (speedily) to come to the city in order both to revive the courage of the rest and (so that) they (i.e. the prisoners) might be more easily rescued from danger. 5. But, when Tarquinius named Crassus, a nobleman of great wealth (and) the greatest influence, some thought the statement incredible, others, although they supposed (it to be) true, yet, since it seemed that in such a crisis so powerful a man (lit. such great power of a man) (was) more needing to be soothed than to be harassed, (and) the majority (of them being) under an obligation to Crassus through private business matters, they exclaim that he was a false witness, and that (a motion) should be proposed on that matter. 6. And so, with Cicero consulting (them), a full Senate decrees that the testimony of Tarquinius appears false, and that he should (lit. was needing to) be kept in prison (lit. in fetters), and that no further opportunity (to give evidence) should be allowed (lit. rendered) to him, unless he were to give information about the person at whose suggestion he had fabricated such a monstrous charge. 7. There were at that time (some) who thought that this libel was contrived by Publius Autronius (Paetus) so that, Crassus having been named, he might the more easily shield the rest under his influence by his association in their danger. 8. Others said that Tarquinius (was) suborned by Cicero in order that Crassus should not disturb the republic, the defence of the criminals having been undertaken (by him) in accordance with his custom. 9. I afterwards heard Crassus himself publicly asserting that that very great calumny of him had been started by Cicero.
Chapter XLIX. The attempts of Catulus and Piso to incriminate Caesar.
1. But, at the same time, Quintus (Lutatius) Catulus and Gaius (Calpurnius) Piso, neither by bribery nor by an offer of political support (lit. by favour) could persuade Cicero that Gaius (Julius) Caesar should be falsely accused by means of the Allobroges or (any) other witness. 2. For indeed both (of these men) were bitterly exercising an enmity against (lit. with) him: Piso, having been attacked (by him) during his trial for extortion (lit. monies needing to be repaid) on account of his illegal execution of a Transpadane, Catulus stirred on by hatred on account of his pontifical candidacy, because, at an advanced age, (and) having filled the highest offices, he had come away defeated by the youthful Caesar. 3. The circumstances, however, seemed favourable, because he, by extraordinary generosity in private and very great entertainments publicly, owed money heavily. 4. But, when they are unable to induce the consul to such a great injustice, they themselves, by going around from one person to another, and by falsely asserting what they said that they had heard from Volturcius or the Allobroges, had incited great odium against him, to such an extent (lit. as far as this) that some (lit. not no) Roman knights, who were (stationed) around the Temple of Concord with their weapons for the sake of a guard, persuaded either by the magnitude of the danger or by the excitement in their minds that their zeal for the republic should be clearer, threatened Caesar (as he was) going out of the Senate with their swords.
PART 6. THE DEBATE IN THE SENATE AND THE PUNISHMENT OF THE CONSPIRATORS: CHAPTERS L-LV.
Chapter L. The plans of Lentulus and Cethegus for their rescue, and the deliberations of the Senate.
1. While these things were being transacted in the Senate, and while rewards, their evidence having been verified, were being decreed to the ambassadors of the Allobroges and to Titus Volturcius, the freedmen and a few of the clients of Lentulus were urging the artisans and slaves in various directions within the city that he should (lit. for the purpose of him needing to) be rescued, (and) some sought out the leaders of the gangs, who were used to disturbing the state for a bribe. 2. Cethegus, however, through messages, begged his freedmen and his slaves, (men) chosen and trained for (deeds of) audacity, a band having been formed, to burst in to (rescue) him.
3. The consul, when he learned that these things were being prepared, armed guards having been positioned, as the circumstances and the situation suggested, the Senate having been convened, he inquires what it would please (them) to be done concerning those who had been taken into custody; but a full Senate had judged just before that they were traitors to (lit. had acted against) the republic. 4. Then Decimus Junius Silanus, having been asked his opinion first, because at that time he was consul-designate, moved that capital punishment ought (lit. was necessary) to be exacted on those who were in custody, and also on Lucius Cassius (Longinus), Publius Furius, Publius Umbrenus and Quintus Annius (Chilo), if they should be apprehended, but afterwards, having been influenced by the speech of Gaius (Julius) Caesar, he said that he would go over (lit. go by his feet) to the opinion of Tiberius (Claudius) Nero, (which was) that he thought on this matter that, guards having been given in addition, it should be referred back (to another meeting). 5. But Caesar, when it came to his turn (lit. to him), having been asked his opinion by the consul, spoke words of this kind.
Chapter LI. The speech of Caesar on how the conspirators should be punished.
1. “It becomes all men, Conscript Fathers, who are deliberating about uncertain matters, to be free from hatred, affection, rage and pity. 2. The mind, when these things obstruct (it), does not easily discern the truth, nor is (lit. was) anyone amongst all (of us) obedient to his passion and his (true) interest at the same time. 3. When you exert your intellect, it is strong: if passion possesses (you), it dominates, and the mind is not strong at all.
4. “I have a great abundance of remembrance, Conscript Fathers, when (lit. what) kings and peoples, swayed by wrath or compassion, have taken bad decisions (lit. have decided badly). But I prefer to speak of those instances (in) which our ancestors, contrary to the passion in their minds, acted correctly and with good sense.
5. “In the Macedonian War, which we waged against (lit. with) King Perseus, the great and powerful state of Rhodes, which had grown in power by the assistance of the Roman people, was faithless and hostile to us. But, when, the war having been finished, there was consideration (lit. it was considered) concerning the Rhodians, our ancestors, lest anyone might say that war (was) begun because of their wealth rather than their injustice (to us), let them go unpunished. 6. Likewise, in all the Punic Wars, although, both in peace and during truces, the Carthaginians often performed many nefarious exploits, they themselves never did such things when opportunity offered (lit. through opportunity): they asked rather what would be worthy of themselves, than what could justly be inflicted upon their (enemies).
7. “Likewise, it is necessary for you to be on your guard against this, lest the crime of Publius Lentulus and the others has more weight with you than your dignity, and lest you regard your indignation more than your reputation. 8. For, if a suitable punishment, proportionate to their misdeeds is found, I consent to extraordinary measures: but if the magnitude of their crime exceeds the ingenuity of all, I think it is right to use (only) those things which are provided for by the laws.
9. “Most of those (who) have stated their views before me have deplored in studied and impressive (language) the misfortunes of the republic. They have enumerated what would be the barbarities of war, (and) what would happen to the vanquished; that virgins and boys would be raped, that children would be torn from their parents’ embrace, that matrons (lit. mothers of families) would suffer what it would be pleasing to the conquerors (to inflict), that temples and dwellings would be plundered, that a massacre (and) fires would happen, (and), finally, that all things would be filled with arms, corpses, blood and lamentation. 10. But, in the name of the immortal gods, to what (end) did that eloquence pertain? Was it to make you hostile to the conspiracy? A speech, no doubt, will inflame him whom so great and so atrocious an affair has not provoked. 11. It is not so, nor do his own injuries seem light to anyone among men: many have regarded them more seriously than (was) right.
12. “But to different persons there is a different (degree of) licence, Conscript Fathers. If (those) who pass a life sunk in obscurity have transgressed through anger in any way, few will know, (for) their fame and their fortune are equal: (but those) who spend their life endowed with great power and in an exalted (position), all men will know their deeds. 13. Thus, in the highest station there is the least licence. It is becoming neither to show partiality nor to hate, 14. but least (of all) to be angry. (For) what is called resentment in others, this is termed arrogance and cruelty amongst (those in) power. 15. Indeed I think thus, Conscript Fathers, that every kind of torture would be less than their crimes (warrant). But most men remember (only) the last things, and, with regard to wicked men, forgetting their crimes, talk about their punishment, if it is has been a little too cruel.
16. “I know for certain that Decimus (Junius) Silanus, a brave and energetic man, has said what he said from zeal for the state, nor was he, in so important a matter, cherishing favour or enmity: (for) such I know is the character and the discretion of the man. 17. But his opinion seems to me not cruel – for what can be cruel (when directed) against such men? – but foreign to our republic. 18. For, assuredly, Silanus, either your fear or their treason has induced you, a consul-designate, to propose this new kind of punishment. 19. Of fear it is superfluous to speak, especially since, due to the diligence of that very distinguished man, the consul, such great bodies of men are under arms. 20. About punishment, I can say something which indeed is the case, that in distress and misery death is a relief from suffering not a torment, that it puts an end to all the woes of mankind, (and) that beyond (it) there is a place neither for grief nor for joy.
21. “But, in the name of the immortal gods, why (lit. on account of what thing) did you not add to your opinion that beforehand punishment should be inflicted upon them by scourging? 22. (Was it) because the Porcian law forbids it? But other laws also order that life should not be snatched away from condemned citizens, but that exile should be allowed. 23. (Was it) because to be scourged is more severe than to be killed? Yet what is (too) harsh or too severe for men convicted of so great a crime? 24. But if (it is) because it is more lenient, how (lit. in what [way] is it consistent to respect (lit. fear) the law with regard to the lesser matter, when you will have neglected it with regard to the greater?
25. “But who indeed will blame (anything) which is decreed against those assassins of the republic? Time, the course of events, (and) fortune, whose caprice governs nations (may do so). Whatever befalls those men will have happened justly. 26. But yet, do you consider carefully, Conscript Fathers, what you decide (to inflict) upon others. 27. All bad precedents have arisen out of good measures. But, when power passes to (those) unacquainted (with it) or less good, any new example (of severity) upon (persons) worthy (of) and fit (for punishment) is transferred to (those) undeserving (of) and not suitable (for it). 28. The Lacedaemonians, the Athenians having been conquered, imposed (upon them) thirty men to govern their state. 29. At first, these men began to kill without trial all the worst men and those (who were) hateful to all. The people rejoiced at these (acts) and said that they had happened deservedly. 30. (But) afterwards, when their (spirit of) licence increased, they (began to) kill at their pleasure the good and the bad alike, (and) terrified the rest with fear: 31. thus the community, prostrated in servitude, paid a heavy penalty for its foolish rejoicing.
32. “Within our memory, when the victorious Sulla ordered (Lucius Junius Brutus) Damasippus and others of that kind, who had advanced in power through the disorder of the state, to be executed, who was not applauding his action? All declared that wicked and factious (men), who had embroiled the state in seditious practices, had been justly killed. But this proceeding was (but) the start of a great calamity. 33. For, when anyone had coveted the house or the villa, (and) in the end the plates and clothing, of another man, he gave his attention (to ensuring) that that man was among the number of the proscribed. 34. Thus, they for whom the death of Damasippus had been a joy, were themselves dragged off a little later, and there was no cessation to the killing before Sulla had glutted all his (followers) with riches.
35. “I do not, indeed, fear these (excesses) in Marcus Tullius (Cicero) or in these (present) times, but in a great state there are many and various dispositions. 36. At another time, and under another consul, who may also have (lit. to whom there may also be) an army at hand, it is possible that something false may be considered as the truth: (and) when, under this precedent, the consul, through a decree of the Senate, will have drawn the sword, who will determine a limit for him, or who will restrain (him)?
37. “Our ancestors, Conscript Fathers, never lacked either wisdom or courage (lit. ever lacked neither wisdom nor courage), nor did pride prevent them from imitating foreign institutions, if they were good in (any) way. 38. They took their armour and their military weapons from the Samnites, (and) the insignia of their magistracies from the Etruscans. In short, whatever seemed appropriate anywhere, (whether) among their allies or their enemies, they followed at home with the greatest enthusiasm, (and) they preferred to copy good things (rather) than to envy them. 39. But, at the same time as that, adopting a practice of Greece, they inflicted punishment upon their citizens by scourging, and they exacted capital (lit. the highest) punishment from the condemned. 40. When the republic grew in power, and factions from the vast number of citizens became more violent (lit. strong), the innocent (began) to be entrapped, and other things of this kind began to happen; then, the Porcian law and other laws were provided, by which laws exile was permitted to the condemned. 41. I think that this (is) an especially strong reason whereby we should not adopt a new measure (of severity). 42. (For) assuredly there was a greater virtue and wisdom among those who formed so great an empire than among us, who can scarcely retain the things (so) nobly acquired.
43. “Is it pleasing (to me) that they should be set free and the army of Catiline (thus) increased? Not at all. But I do think thus, that their property should be (lit. is meet to be) confiscated, and that they themselves should be (lit. are meet to be) kept in custody in municipal towns which are very strong in resources, and that no one afterwards brings a motion to the Senate about them, nor brings (lit. pushes) (it) before the people: (and) that the Senate should consider that he who will have acted otherwise will have acted against the republic and the safety of everyone.”
Chapter LII. The speech of Cato on the punishment of the conspirators.
1. When Caesar had made an end of speaking, the rest (of the senators) expressed their assent, variously, by a (mere) word, some (to one speaker), others (to another). But Marcus Porcius Cato, having been asked his opinion, delivered a speech of this kind:
2. “My opinion is very (lit. far) different, Conscript Fathers, when I contemplate our circumstances and dangers, and when I reflect within (lit. with) myself the views of some (lit. of not no) (speakers). 3. Those (speakers) seem to me to have been talking about the punishment of those who have prepared a war against their native-land, their parents. their altars and their homes (lit. hearths). But our situation warns (us) to protect (ourselves) from them rather than to consider what we should decide (to do) against them. 4. For you may pursue other crimes at the time when they have been committed, (but) this one, unless you ensure that it does not happen, when it has happened you will appeal to justice in vain; a city having been captured, nothing remaining is left for the vanquished.
5. “But, in the name of the immortal gods, I appeal to you, who have always valued your houses, your villas, your statues and your pictures more than the republic: if (you wish) to keep those (possessions), of whatsoever kind they are, which you cherish, if you wish to supply peace for (the enjoyment of) your pleasures, then (lit. at last) wake up and involve yourselves in the republic. 6. It is not a matter of (lit. it is not driven concerning) tribute or of injuries to our allies: our liberty and our life is at stake (lit. in doubt).
7. “Many a time (lit. often in number), Conscript Fathers, I have said many words in this assembly, and often I have complained of the extravagance and avarice of our citizens, and for this reason I have (turned) many men against (me): 8. because I have never given a pardon to myself or my conscience for any offence (lit. I have ever given… for no offence), I could not easily forgive evil deeds through another’s licentiousness. 9. But, though you value these things lightly, yet the republic was secure (and) by its resources it bore (the strain of) your neglect. 10. But now it is not a matter (lit. it is not driven) (as to) whether we live amidst good or bad morals, nor how great or how splendid the empire of the Roman people is, but (whether) these things, of whatever kind they seem, are to continue to be our own or together with ourselves (to become the prey) of our foes.
11. “In these circumstances (lit. here) let no one talk to me of clemency and compassion. Indeed now for a long time we have lost the true names of things. Since to squander lavishly another’s property is called generosity and audacity in evil things courage, for that (reason) the state is placed on the brink of ruin (lit. in an extreme [position]). 12. Since these customs are so (lit. regard themselves thus), let them indeed be generous out of the property of our allies, let them be merciful to robbers of the treasury, provided that they do not lavishly squander our blood, and, while they spare a few criminals, (that) they do (not) proceed to destroy all good men.
13. “Gaius (Julius) Caesar a little before spoke well and in a polished manner in this assembly about life and death, thinking, I suppose, (as) false those things which are said about the dead, that the bad, (going) in a different direction from the good, inhabit places (which are) noisome, desolate, filthy and full of horror. 14. He therefore moved that the property of those men should (lit. was meet to) be confiscated, and that they themselves should (lit. were meet to) be held in custody in the municipal towns, fearing no doubt that, if they are in Rome, they may be rescued by force either by their accomplices in the conspiracy or by a hired mob. 15. As if, indeed, the disaffected and the wicked exist only in the city and not throughout the whole of Italy, or (as if such) audacity could not be more successful in places where there are less resources for resisting (it). 16. For this reason this proposal, if he fears (any) danger from those men, is indeed absurd: but, if amid such great terror in everyone, he alone is not afraid, it concerns me (all) the more to fear for myself and for you.
17. “Therefore, when you come to decide about (the fate of) Publius (Cormelius) Lentulus and the others, do you be certain to decide at the same time about Catiline’s army and all the conspirators. 18. The more vigorously you address these matters, the more their confidence will be weaker; (but) if they see you hesitate only a very little, they all will be there in their fury at once.
19. “Do not suppose that our ancestors made the republic great from something small by arms (alone). 20. If the case had been thus, we should be keeping the republic in the most excellent possible condition, since we have (lit. there is to us) a greater abundance of allies and citizens, as well as of arms and horses, than they (had) (lit. [there was] to them). 21. But there were other things which made them great, which we do not possess (lit. there are not to us) at all, (such as) industry at home, just rule abroad, minds unprejudiced in deliberating, (and) liable neither to sin nor to passion. 22. Instead of these (virtues) we have extravagance and avarice, destitution in public (and) opulence in private. We extol wealth, (and) pursue indolence. (There is) no distinction between good men and bad (ones), (and) self-seeking possesses all the rewards of virtue. 23. Not is this surprising. When each one of you adopts his own plan separately, when you are a slave at home to pleasures (and) here to money or favour, from this it comes about that an attack is made on the defenceless state.
24. “But I pass over these things. Citizens of the noblest rank have conspired to destroy (lit. set on fire) their native-land, (and) are calling to war the nation of the Gauls (which is) the most hostile to the Roman name. The leader of the enemy is upon us (lit. above our heads) with an army. 25. Do you even now delay and hesitate (about) what you are to do with foes apprehended within your walls? 26. I advise (that) you should have mercy (upon them) – these youthful men did wrong through ambition – and send (them) away even armed; truly that clemency and compassion of yours, 27. would turn towards misery for you, if they took up arms. 28. Undoubtedly the business itself is desperate, but you do not fear it: nay, in truth, (you fear it) very greatly. But you hesitate through idleness and softness of spirit, awaiting one another, (and) doubtless trusting in the immortal gods, who have (so) often preserved this state in the greatest dangers. 29. (But) the assistance of the gods is not obtained by vows and womanish supplications: all favourable things result from vigilance, action, (and) planning well. When you surrender (lit. will have surrendered) yourself to sloth and cowardice, you will implore the gods in vain.
30. “In the time of our ancestors Aulus (N.B. his correct praenomen was Titus) Manlius Torquatus during a war with the Gauls (N.B. this war was actually with the Latins) ordered his own son to be put to death because he had fought the enemy contrary to orders, 31. and that excellent young man paid the penalty with his death for his unrestrained bravery. Do you hesitate (about) what you should decide concerning the cruelest of traitors? Doubtless the rest of their lives is at variance with this crime. 32. But spare the honour of Lentulus, if he himself has ever spared his own sense of shame, if (he has ever spared) his own reputation, (and) if (he has ever spared) any gods or men. 33. Pardon the youthful Cethegus, unless he has made war upon his country again. For why should I speak of Gabinius, Statilius and Caeparius? 34. If they had ever had any principles (lit. If there had ever been to them anything of importance), they would not have engaged in such a plot against the republic.
35. “Finally, Conscript Fathers, if, by Hercules, there were the opportunity for an error, I might easily suffer you, since you scorn my words, to be corrected by this very affair. But we are surrounded on all sides. Catiline with his army is at our throats (lit. is pressing [us] by our throats); there are other enemies within the walls and in the heart (lit. bosom) of the city; nor can anything be prepared or planned secretly: for this (reason) the more necessary it is (for action) to be hastened.
36. “Therefore I move thus: since the state, by the criminal design of traitorous citizens, has come into the greatest dangers, and they (have been) convicted by the evidence of Titus Volturcius and the ambassadors of the Allobroges and have confessed that they had arranged for a massacre, conflagrations and other shameful and cruel outrages against their (fellow-)citizens and their country, on those who have confessed, as on those caught in the commission of capital offences, punishment should be inflicted in accordance with the custom of our ancestors.”
Chapter LIII. The condemnation of the prisoners; the causes of Roman greatness.
1. When Cato sat down, all the ex-consuls, and a great part of the Senate likewise, praises his opinion and extols his strength of mind to the sky; some reproaching others call (them) timid, (while) Cato is regarded (as) illustrious and great: a decree of the Senate is passed (lit. made) as he had advised.
2. But it was, by chance, pleasing to me, (on) reading of the many, (and) hearing of the many famous exploits which the Roman people have undertaken at home and on military service, on the sea and on the land, to direct (my attention) to what factor had so strongly supported such great deeds. 3. I knew that they had often contended with a force small in number with great armies of the enemy; I was aware that wars had been waged (by them) with small resources against (lit. with) wealthy kings, that, in addition, they had often endured the violence of (adverse) fortune, (and) that the Greeks had been superior to the Romans in eloquence and the Gauls in the glory of war. 4. And I concluded (lit. it was established by me), (after) reflecting (upon) many things, that the eminent virtue of a few men had accomplished all these things, and for this (reason) it had happened that poverty had overcome riches and a handful (had overcome) the multitude. 5. But, after the community was corrupted by luxury and indolence, the republic kept in check the failings of its generals and magistrates by its own greatness, and, as when a mother is past child-bearing (lit. as with an exhausted mother), there was certainly not for many years at Rome anyone great in merit. 6. But within my memory, there have been two men of great virtue (but) with different character, Marcus (Porcius) Cato and Gaius (Julius) Caesar: these, since the subject has presented (itself to me), it is not my intention to pass by in silence, but to disclose, as far as I can in respect of my ability, the nature and character of each.
Chapter LIV. Comparisons between Caesar and Cato.
1. So, their birth, age and eloquence were almost equal, their greatness of mind (was) similar, as also their reputation, but different, the one to the other. 2. Caesar was considered great through his generosity and munificence, Cato for the integrity of his life. The former became famous through his clemency and his compassion, austerity added dignity to the latter. 3. Caesar acquired renown by giving, relieving and pardoning, Cato by bestowing nothing. In the one there was a refuge for the wretched, in the other destruction for the wicked. The affability of the former and the consistency of the latter were praised. 4. In short, Caesar had made up (lit. had brought [it] into) his mind to toil and to be watchful; intent upon the interests of his friends, he neglected his own, he denied nothing (to anyone) which was worthy as a gift; for himself he yearned for great power, an army (and) a new war, where his ability could shine forth. 5. But Cato’s desire was for temperance (and) decency, but especially for austerity. 6. He did not contend in wealth with the rich, nor in faction with the factious, but in virtue with the active, in simplicity with the modest, in abstinence with the upright, (and) he preferred to be, (rather) than to seem good: thus, the less he sought renown, the more it pursued him.
Chapter LV. The execution of the criminals.
1. When the Senate, as I have stated, had gone over to the opinion of Cato, the consul, thinking that (it was) the best thing to do to anticipate the night, which was approaching, lest during that interval something revolutionary might be attempted, orders the (capital) triumvirs to arrange what he required for the execution, 2. (and) he himself, guards having been posted, conducts Lentulus to the prison; the same is done for the rest by the praetors.
3. In the prison there is a place which is called the Tullian (dungeon), (which), when you have ascended a little to the left, (is) sunk about twelve feet in the ground. 4. Walls secure it on every side, and over it there is a vaulted roof joined to stone arches; but its aspect is disgusting and horrible due to its filth, darkness (and) stench. 5. When Lentulus had been let down, the executioners for capital offences, to whom orders had been given (lit. to whom it had been ordered), strangled him (lit. broke his neck) with a noose. 6. Thus, that famous patrician from the most distinguished family of the Cornelians, who had held consular authority in Rome, met an end to his life worthy of his character and deeds. With regard to Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius and Caeparius, punishment was inflicted in the same manner.
PART 7. DEFEAT AND DEATH OF CATILINE: CHAPTERS LVI-LXI.
Chapter LVI. Catiline’s warlike preparations in Etruria.
1. While these things were being done in Rome, Catiline formed two legions out of his entire force, both (those) whom he had brought (with him) and (those which) Manlius had had, and he fills up his cohorts in proportion to the number of his soldiers; 2. then, as any volunteers or (any) of his associates had arrived in the camp, he distributed (them) equally, and in a short time he filled up his legions with the (required) number of men, although at the beginning he had possessed not more than two thousand. 3. But out of the whole force (only) about a quarter (lit. a fourth part) were equipped with the weapons of soldiers; the rest, as chance had armed each man, carried small hunting spears or lances, (and) some (only) sharpened stakes.
4. But, when Antonius began to approach with his army, Catiline made his way over the hills, he moved his camp at one time in the direction of the city (and) at another time in the direction of Gaul, (and) he did not give his enemy (any) opportunity of fighting: (yet) he was hoping that he would shortly possess a great force, if his associates in Rome should accomplish their plans. 5. Meanwhile, he continued to reject slaves, of whom, at the beginning great numbers had flocked to him, (as he was) relying on the resources of the conspiracy, (and) at the same time thinking that it was foreign to his designs to appear to share the cause of citizens with runaway slaves.
Chapter LVII. Catiline is compelled by Metellus Celer and Antonius to hazard a battle.
1. But when the news arrived at the camp that the conspiracy had been uncovered in Rome, (and) that, with regard to Lentulus and Cethegus and the others, whom I have mentioned above, execution had been inflicted, very many, because the hope of plunder or zeal for revolution (lit. new arrangements) had enticed (them) into war, fall away, and Catiline leads the remainder away by forced (lit. great) marches over rugged mountains into the territory of Pistoria, with the intention of escaping covertly by footpaths into Transalpine Gaul.
2. But Quintus (Caecilius) Metellus Celer, with three legions, was on guard in the territory of Picenum, supposing that Catiline, from the difficulty of his situation, would act in that very same way, as we have spoken of above. 3. When, therefore, he had discovered his route from (some) deserters, he struck camp hastily, and encamped at the very foot of the mountains, (at the point) where his descent would be, as he hurried (lit. where the descent would be for him hurrying) into Gaul. 4. Nor, however, was Antonius far distant, since he with his large army, (yet) able to move freely on the more level; ground, was following (him) in his flight.
5. But Catiline, when he sees that he was hemmed in by the mountains and the forces of the enemy, that his schemes in the city (had been) unsuccessful, and that (there was) not any hope of escape or of reinforcements, thinking that (it was) the best thing to do to try the fortune of battle, resolved to engage Antonius as soon as possible. 6. And so, an assembly having been called, he delivered a speech of this kind.
Chapter LVIII. Catiline’s exhortation to his men before the battle.
1. “I am aware (lit. I have an understanding), soldiers, that words (alone) do not inspire (lit. add) courage, and that an army cannot be made active from listlessness, nor brave from timidity, by a speech from its commander. 2. How much courage there is in the heart of a man, (whether) from nature or from habit, so much is accustomed to be displayed in battle. (He) whom neither glory nor danger arouses, is exhorted in vain: (for) the terror in his breast blocks (lit. is an obstacle to) his ears. 3. But I have called you (to me), in order that I might give (you) a few (words) of advice, and, at the same time, that I might explain (to you) the reason for my course of action.
4. “Indeed, you know, soldiers, how great a disaster the idleness and cowardice of Lentulus has brought upon himself and us, and how, while I was awaiting reinforcements from the city, I was unable to set out for Gaul. 5. But, in what position our affairs now are, you all know as well as I do (lit. equally with me). 6. Two legions of the enemy, one on the side of the city, the other on the side of Gaul, stand in our way. Want of corn and other (necessary) things prevents (us) from being in this location (any) longer, (even) if one’s mind is very greatly inclined (to it). Whithersoever it pleases (us) to go, 7. we must (lit. it is necessary [for us] to) open a path with the sword. 8. Therefore, I advise you to be of a brave and resolute spirit and, when you advance to battle, (to) remember that you are carrying in your right(-hands) riches, honour and glory, as well as your liberty and country. 9. If we conquer, all will be safe for us, provisions (will be) in abundance, the municipal towns and colonies will open (their gates to us): if we will have yielded to fear, these same places will become hostile (to us), 10. nor will any place or friend protect (him) whom his arms have not protected. 11. Besides, soldiers, the same necessity does not press upon us and them: we are contending for our country, our liberty, our lives, (while) for them it is a matter of no importance (lit. superfluous) to fight for the power of a few. 12. Therefore, attack (them) more boldly, recalling your courage of old. 13. It might be permitted to us to spend our lives, in (lit. with) the greatest ignominy, in exile, (and) some (lit. not none) (of you), your property having been lost, could await in Rome the assistance of others: since that seemed shameful and unendurable to men (of spirit), 14. you have resolved to follow this (course of action). 15. If you wish to quit it, there is a need (lit. work) for boldness: no one but a victor has exchanged war for peace. 16. For to hope for safety in flight, when you have turned away from the enemy the arms with which your body is protected, is madness indeed. 17. In battle, there is always the greatest danger for those who are most afraid, (but) boldness is like a wall.
18. “When I contemplate you, soldiers, and when I assess your (past) exploits, a great hope of victory possesses me. 19. Your spirit, your age, your valour encourages me, (and) besides (there is) necessity, which makes even the coward brave. 20. For, in order that the multitude of the enemy cannot surround (us), the narrowness of our position prevents (that) 21. But, if fortune begrudges your valour, beware of losing your life unavenged, and, having been captured, that you are not butchered like cattle, rather than fighting in the custom of a man, (in order that) you leave to your enemy a bloody and mournful victory.”
Chapter LIX. Both sides’ arrangements for the battle.
1. When he had said these things, having delayed a little, he orders the signal (for battle) to sound, and he leads the ranks in battle-array down on to the level ground. Then, the horses of all (the cavalry) having been sent away, in order that the soldiers’ courage might be greater with the danger equalised, he, on foot himself, draws up his army in accordance with the ground and his resources (of men). 2. For, as there was a plain between the mountains on the left and (ground made) rough by rocks on the right, he stations eight cohorts in front and places the standards of the rest in closer order in the rear (lit. in support). 3. From among these men he withdraws into the front of the battle-line all the centurions, the picked men and the veterans, as well as each of the best armed out of the rank and file soldiers (lit. the soldiers of the flock). He himself with his freedmen and servants takes his station by the eagle, which Gaius Marius was said to have had in his army in the Cimbrian war.
4. And on the other side, Gaius Antonius, being lame (lit. sick in his feet), because he was unable to be present, entrusts his army to his legate, Marcus Petreius. 5. He places the cohorts of veterans, which he had levied on account of the insurrection, in front, (and) after them the rest of the army in support; he himself going around on his horse addresses each one by name (lit. naming [him]), encourages (them) and asks (them) to remember that they were fighting against unarmed bandits on behalf of their country, on behalf of their children, on behalf of their altars and their homes (lit. hearths). 6. (As) a military man, because he had been in the army with great distinction for more than thirty years (as) tribune or prefect or legate or praetor, he knew most of the men personally (lit. themselves) and their courageous deeds: by recalling these things he aroused the spirits of his soldiers.
Chapter LX. The Battle of Pistoria: the defeat and death of Catiline.
1. But, when, everything having been surveyed, Petreius gives the signal (for battle) with a trumpet, he orders the cohorts to advance step by step. After they had (lit. it had been) come to that (place) from where the battle could be joined by the lightly-armed troops, with a very loud shout they charged together with opposing standards. 2. The army of the enemy does the same thing: they put aside their javelins, and the battle is waged with swords. 3. The veterans, mindful of their former valour, engage fiercely at close quarters, but they do not resist half-heartedly: the battle (lit. it) is fought with the greatest force. 4. Meanwhile, Catiline is busily engaged in the front of the battle-line with his lightly-equipped men, relieving the hard-pressed, sending for fresh troops in place of the wounded, providing for all (contingencies), fighting hard himself, (and) striking the enemy often: he was performing at the same time the duties of an active soldier and a good commander.
5. Petreius, when he sees Catiline, contrary to what he had expected, exerting (himself) with great vigour, leads his praetorian cohort into the midst of the enemy, and kills them, having been thrown into confusion, and resisting some (in one place others) in another. Then, he advances upon the rest on their flanks from both sides. 6. Manlius and the officer from Faesulae fall, fighting among the foremost. 7. Catiline, when he sees his forces routed and himself left with (but) a few men, mindful of his birth and his former dignity, rushes into the thick of the enemy, and there, fighting, he is hacked to death.
Chapter LXI. Reflections on the battle: the rebels had fought with the utmost courage and ferocity.
1. But, the battle having been concluded, then you could indeed see how much boldness and how much strength of mind there had been in Catiline’s army. 2. For almost every (soldier), his breath having been lost, covered with his body that spot which he had taken by fighting (while) alive. 3. A few, however, whom the praetorian cohort had dislodged in the centre, had fallen somewhat differently, but yet all with their wounds in front. 4. Catiline, indeed, was found far from his men amongst the corpses of the enemy, still breathing just, and retaining in his countenance that ferocity of spirit which he had had (when) alive. 5. Finally, out of his whole army, neither in battle nor in flight was any free-born citizen taken prisoner: 6. in such a manner had they all spared alike their own lives and (those) of their enemies.
7. Yet nor had the army of the Roman people obtained a joyful or bloodless victory. For all their bravest men had either fallen in the battle or had left (it) gravely wounded.
8. Moreover, many who had proceeded from the camp for the sake of sight-seeing or plundering, (while) turning over the corpses of the enemy, some discovered a friend, others a social acquaintance or a relative; likewise there were (those) who recognised their personal enemies. 9. Thus, throughout the whole army exultation, lamentation, grief and joy were experienced variously.